Introduction: The Historical Development of the Region Up Until 1918

     Croatia became a vassal of the Hungarian Crown in 1102.  This relationship would continue up to the Turkish victory over the Hungarians at the Battle of Mohács in 1526.  The Turks occupied only a portion of Croatia while the north western area around Agram (Zagreb) belonged to the Habsburg candidate for the throne of Hungary, and would experience frequent incursions and Turkish raids in the century that followed.

     Slavonia and Srem endured 150 years of Turkish occupation.  As a result, the local Roman Catholic population fled from the area to avoid ongoing conflict and raids and the Turks brought in new settlers as far north as the Sava River, who were Moslems and Orthodox Serbs who were forced to resettle there.  By and large, most of the area was unpopulated and settlements were clustered around fortresses.  With the defeat of the Turks in their second attempt to take Vienna in 1683 and their retreat throughout Hungary the Austrian Imperial Army and their allied forces proceeded to liberate all of the territories that had once been part of Hungary.  So that by 1686 after Buda the capital of Hungary had been taken on August 12^th the battle of Mount Harsany took place, which was about 30 kilometers south east of Pécs.  Charles of Lorraine attacked the forces of the Grand Vizer and defeated them, which would prove to be significant for the liberation of Slavonia.  Shortly afterwards Count Dünewald crossed the Drava River and his army liberated all of Slavonia with the exception of a few towns and by October 5, 1687 the city of Essegg, the capital of Slavonia was taken and the first attacks down the Danube towards Srem were undertaken by the onrushing Imperial forces with the Turks in full flight.

     Many towns fell to small contingents of troops along the Sava River.  The major campaign undertaken by the Imperial troops was under the command of Prince Max Emmanuel of Bavaria, and later Prince Louis of Baden.  They occupied all of Srem in 1688.  On August 6^th the fortress of Belgrade fell to them.  In the following year they invaded Serbia and Bulgaria and occupied the key fortresses.  But then a great portion of their troops had to withdraw to defend the Rhineland and the Pfalz from a French invasion.  As a result the Grand Vizer, Mustapha retook Serbia and Belgrade.  His invasion of Srem against Louis of Baden in 1691 failed and he was defeated and lost his life at the Battle of Slankamen.

     The withdrawal of the Imperial troops to deal with the French had lasting effects on Slavonia and Srem, in that the Serbian Patriarch from Ipek along with 25,000 Serbian families fled across the Sava River with the Imperial forces.  Emperor Leopold I allowed them to settle there and granted them privileges.  This resulted in a major increase of the Serbian population in the region of the Wojwodina, which would be crucial in the Revolution of 1848 when they would attempt to declare an autonomous Serbian state.

     Finally on September 11, 1697 Prince Eugene of Savoy defeated the Turks at the Battle of Zenta, which led to the Peace of Karlowitz on January 26, 1699.  Croatia and Slavonia were ceded to Austria, but south eastern Srem remained as a buffer against Belgrade and the Turkish Empire.

     In 1716 the war broke out again.  The Turks were defeated at Peterwardein on August 5, 1716.  In the next year the Imperial troops occupied the Banat, northern Transylvania and on August 18, 1717 re-took Belgrade.  The Peace of Passarowitz signed on July 21, 1718 liberated all of the Banat and Srem from Turkish rule.

     The liberated territories were placed under the jurisdiction of the Royal Chancellery in Vienna.  Prince Livius Odescalchi, a nephew of Pope Innocent XI was given the lands and title of Count of Srem in 1698.  The Neo-Acqustica commission established in Vienna to determine the ownership of lands and estates in the formerly occupied Turkish territories in 1700 received few claims because very few of the Hungarian nobility had survived the Turkish wars and occupation or had no documented evidence to prove ownership to back up their claims.  As a result the lands and estates were sold to many nobles or military commanders who were of German origin.

     In 1718 the former Counties of Hungary were re-established.  Croatia was unable to lay claim to Srem and Slavonia, which now became part of the army controlled Military Frontier District, a defensive measure against future Turkish invasions.  In 1751 the area became incorporated into the Hungarian sphere of influence and eventually part of its administration.  The nobility of Slavonia were most unhappy with this situation.  Throughout the 19^th century, “nationalism” became the big issue for the South Slavs who saw the Magyars (Hungarians) as their enemies and a threat to their aspirations, which would erupt in Croatia in the Revolution of 1848/1849.

     The hope of the Croatians, as allies of the Habsburg Emperor against the Hungarian rebels, was for a far-reaching “national” autonomy with the introduction of the Croatian language as the official government language, but these hopes were not fulfilled.  The centralization that took place during the “Bach Era” in Austria, created more bad blood among the South Slavs, especially because German was established as the governing language throughout the Empire.  They saw themselves under the yoke of Vienna.  The Croatians saw that the threat to their national survival was no longer the Turks or Hungarians, but the Germans.  Hatred of all things German broke out during the Croatian Sabor (parliament) in 1860 and would affect future events right up to 1918.  An attempt at re-rapprochement with the Magyars was the new order of the day.

     The Hungarian-Austrian Compromise of 1867 was not well received by the leading Croatians.  The concept of Dualism in the Empire was unacceptable to the Slavs, the Roman Catholic bishop Josip Strossmayer and his political circle were adamantly opposed to it.  A Croatian-Hungarian Compromise followed in January 30, 1868.  The Compromise allowed the Croatians autonomy in their domestic affairs and matters of religion.  It was an attempt on the part of the Hungarians to prevent a united front and union of the Slavs.

     Political parties of all stripes fought for control of the Sabor beginning in the 1870’s; the National Party had the support of the nobles who supported the Compromise with Hungary.  The supporters of the “South Slav” idea found expression in the “Independent National Party” under the leadership of Bishop Strossmayer.  Their ideology was based on the principle of the unity of all of the South Slavs, except the Bulgarians.  The financial support for the party came from the coffers of the bishop’s diocese.  The third party was “Croatian Rights” who were united with the Austrian Monarchy and its aspirations, in effect they were the official anti-Serbian party.  But even this party was suspicious of both Vienna and Budapest.

     The 700,000 Serbian minority in Croatia established their own Serbian Independent Party in Ruma in 1881 to safeguard their rights and demanded equality for their minority.  Their liberal approach was opposed by others among the Serbs, who formed the “Radical Party”, which leaned heavily on the Orthodox clergy for support and leadership.

     As the 19 century ended, the younger generation of leadership sought to take advantage of the new issues that divided Austria and Hungary to advance their cause of a union of the South Slavs:  Yugoslavia.

     With the rise of the Kossuth Coalition that came to power in Budapest in 1904 that sought full independence from Austria, the Croatian opposition parties offered support to the Magyars if they would support Croatian self-determination.  The Serbian parties also followed suit with the same solution in 1905.  As a result a Croatian-Serbian Party was formed to work for autonomy and the ideal of self-determination and unity of the South Slavs and the destruction of the Habsburg Danubian Monarchy.    In the elections of 1906 the Coalition won the majority of seats in the Sabor, and played the leading role in the life and history of Croatia up to 1918.  Friendship with the Hungarians did not last very long.  The annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908, followed by the Balkan War (1912-1913) were flashpoints of conflict and unrest among the south Slavs finally resulting in Sarjevo and the outbreak of World War I and the end of the Danubian Monarchy.

The Settlement of the Germans 

  The migration of German settlers into the Croatian and Slavonian areas prior to the occupation by the Turks, had its origins in the beginning of the 16^th century, chiefly in the towns and cities, made up tradesmen, artisans, miners, and merchants who came from all areas of Germany.  The settlers arriving after the liberation from the Turks, again consisted of the same urban classes but the majority now were peasant farmers.  In both cases they came in response to invitations from the nobles and landlords.  At times, of course, some individuals came on their own, taking the risks that were involved.

  Prior to the coming of the Turks, the first Germans who arrived were priests and missionaries, most of them monks on missions to extend the boundaries of the Roman Catholic Church and later to stamp out heresy.  At the end of the 8^th century the land was part of Charlemagne’s Empire and remained so until the coming of the Magyars.  In this period the local population was Christianized and the central leadership provided for this was in Bavaria.

  There is a strong possibility and some evidence that the south Slavs are of Gothic origin, especially the Bosnians.  Many of the names of the higher clergy in the Middle Ages are German.  All of this was contemporary with Stephen I of Hungary and his Bavarian queen who also brought German monks, priests and missionaries.  Nikolaus of Guns in Hungary was later the Banus (Governor) of Croatia from 1280 to 1281.

  After the Tatar invasion and the recall of their armies back to Asia, Bela IV of Hungary in 1243, invited Germans to settle in Hungary promising freedom from some feudal taxes.  His brother Kolomann who was Count of Slavonia gave special privileges to German monks at Weretz.  The German population was increasing in the area.  Varasdin is the first and oldest German settlement in Croatia and was established earlier than 1209.  In 1231 Germans were also reported living in Vukovar, Petrinja, Samobor, Agram, Kreuz and Kopreinitz.  The shoemakers of Agram were well known and the shoemaker’s quarter was known as the “German village.”  Immigrants like these soon filled the land and settled as both small and large groups.  The emergence of all of the cities and towns in Croatia and Slovania can be traced back to them.  They also brought new ideas and farming concepts to the peasant population.  There were never any totally German communities.  In the early history of the towns Germans played a leading role but as they became outnumbered they attempted to guarantee their rights by law before they were totally swamped.  This lasted for a much longer period in those communities into which a steady stream of German settlers continued to arrive:  Agram and Varasdin.  This now continuing flow of Germans now also included military personnel as the Turks became a threat throughout the Balkans.  In 1579 they were involved in the re-establishment of the fortress at Karlstadt.  In 1645 it was reported that there were 300 German families living in the city.

  This tradition of “German towns” in Croatia would continue well into the 19^th century and 20^th centuries and there were continuing migrations of German settlers, but only in those towns that were not occupied by the Turks.  The Germans simply disappeared in these areas.  The Germans that could be found there later arrived after the Turks had been driven out.

  But how much of the German migration in the Middle Ages consisted of peasant farmers?  It is difficult to tell.  There are some areas in Srem that have names of possible former German villages.  The Germans working in the mines were probably Zipser Saxons from Upper Hungary (Slovakia), who brought their own community organization with them.  They were especially present in Bosnia.  In 1463 the Turks conquered Bosnia and that was the end of the German mining communities.

  It was a totally new situation after the Turks were driven out of Croatia, Slavonia and Srem.

  In 1700 there were fewer than 14,000 people living in all of Slavonia after the Turks were through with it.  To all intents and purposes one could say that Srem was totally uninhabited.  The remaining towns contained most of the surviving population.

  The first stage of reconstruction and redevelopment of the land was repairing and expanding the towns and fortresses to withstand any reappearance of the Turks.  The need was for construction workers and skilled artisans.  There were none.  Esseg and Peterwardein and their fortresses needed immediate attention and as a result the two cities became the first of the new German towns after the expulsion of the Turks.  In 1690 Esseg was granted its municipal rights and charter.  The influx of merchants and skilled artisans who came primarily from the Austrian territories continued throughout the 18^th century.  Essegg maintained its German character well into the 20^th century although they were a minority of the population.

  Semlin located at the confluence of the Sava and Danube Rivers received its first German settlers in 1721 after the Peace of Passarowitz.  There was another large influx of new German settlers after the Peace of Belgrade in 1739.  Germans coming down the Danube arrived in Belgrade and moved on from there to towns in Srem.  Peterwardein and Karolowitz experienced large growth in their German populations.  German sections of towns had names to that effect.  It was the norm.  Germans from Belgrade were the founders of Neusatz (Novi Sad).  New Vukovar in effect was the German part of the town, settled with 33 families between 1723 and 1725.  There was a high rate of mortality among the German settlers because of the climate and summer epidemics of all kinds.

  A massive immigration of German peasant farmers did not take place here as it did to the north of the Drava and Danube Rivers.  After 1718 a portion of the land was under the control and administration of the Royal Chancellery and the Department of War while the rest belonged to various nobles without the resources to develop their holdings.  There were other obstacles:  most of the land was thick forest wilderness; it did not appear as if the land could be developed agriculturally; wolf packs prowled the forests; security against robbers and brigands was non-existent; settlers were offered few concessions or inducements like freedom from taxes or military service; many nobles had no interest in developing their estates and wanted serfs to serve them at their bidding and not free peasants; there were few government officials in the area to whom the settlers could go for help and support; there were no roads and the settlers would have to struggle with total isolation.

  In spite of these kinds of difficulties, the Royal Chancellery organized a settlement on the Crownlands at Kutjevo, located in southern Hungary, between 1785 and 1787 at Josefsfeld-Kula and Josefsdorf-Porec.  These were the only government sponsored pioneer settlements in the vicinity.  The settlers came primarily from Luxemburg, Alsace, Lorraine and the Pfalz.  Two other villages were also established but could not be sustained.  The settlers in these communities all become Croatianized within a generation or two.

  Nor are the settlement attempts under the auspices of the nobles in Srem and Slavonia very numerous.  Deutsch-Mihaljevci was established on the Mitrovac estate by the noble Franz von der Trenck in 1744.  Later in 1752, Lukasdorf-Lukac was founded by retired soldiers.  One of the settlements numbered 8 men, 7 women and 33 children.  In six months  5 men, 3 women and 13 children had died. 

  Characteristic of all of these early efforts was the small number of people involved.  Only by an influx of later settlers could the communities have survived.  There was no economic base to support the skilled artisans who had come with them and they had to move on elsewhere.

  More important settlement work was undertaken during the Theresian phase of the Schwabenzug in Slavonia.  A whole line of farm villages were established in the vicinity of Essegg:  Krawitz in 1769, Hirshfeld-Sarwasch in 1769 after Magyars and Slavs had left, Deutsch-Rieddorf sometime in 1768/1769 next to the Hungarian village of Retfala, Terezovac-Suhopolje in 1770 and Antonsdorf-Kapan in 1776.

  There were other German settlers on estates in Slavonia that were not able to establish permanent settlements for various reasons and merged with their Slavic neighbors.

  In Srem the following Theresian settlements were established under royal auspices:  Ruma, Sotting and Jarmin.  All of these later received an influx of German settlers.  In Ruma the first Germans came in 1746 and by 1784 there were 700 Germans settled there.  Most of the growth was due to the arrival of newcomers.

  During the Josephinian settlement period the Prandau estates were settled by Germans in 1786 at Josefsdorf-Josipovac.  The first immigrants came from south western Germany who were later joined by Germans from Bohemia.  Settlers from Württemberg founded Neustadt at Essegg in 1792.

  The most important settlements during this epoch were located in the Military Frontier District.  The earliest was Neu Gradiska in 1748 soon followed by Friedrichsdorf.

  In 1783 Neu Slankamen and later in 1787 Semlin received their first German settlers.  In 1806 there was a large influx of Germans from Bohemia who moved into Neu-Salankamen that greatly strengthened the community.

  In 1791, after many difficulties, Neu Pasua in eastern Srem, was settled by Lutherans from Württemberg.  At the same time a small German enclave was established in the Croatian village of Neu Banovci, which was very close to Neu Pasua.  Only through the later migration of German families from Neu Pasau was the future of the German community in Neu Banovci assured.

  At the same time, (1790-1794) Karlowitz received 36 German families, Ruma received 26 families and Bukovitz another 20 families.  Most of them came from Alsace, Lorraine, Württemberg, Basel, Baden and Nassau (Hesse).

  At the beginning of the 19^th century new communities were established in the Military Frontier District to provide fresh produce to the towns and troops.  Siegenthal was founded in 1816 to serve Semlin.  (Later it would be called Franztal.)  The first settlers here came from Lazarfeld in the Banat.  In 1819 close to Vinkovci, the Lutheran village of Neudorf was established.  They were Franconian pietists who had come from various Lutheran settlements in the Batschka after having left Württemberg originally.  In 1828 Hessendorf was established in the vicinity of Mitrovitz but there were too few Germans to develop and ongoing German community.

  At the beginning of the 19^th century the German settlements on both sides of the Drava and Danube Rivers were experiencing a population explosion and a lack of land for expansion.  As a result Srem and then later Slavonia were the next areas of expansion.  But there were political and national issues and sensibilities at work.  While the nobles were anxious to raise their own economic situation by making use of the their undeveloped lands and estates they knew that in order for that to happen required an increase in the population.  There were Serbians residing there but they were not seen as the answer to the problem.  In fact, the area was moving backwards economically as the Serbs refused to undertake the cultivation of the land, preferring herding cattle.

  At this point the nobles and landlords saw that they had to take the initiative and went as far as looking for settlers in Hungary but they also courted others, including Magyars, Russians, Slovaks and many others.  As a result the owner of the Ruma estate called for Serbs to settle in 1746 in his new village of India, and then he called for Czechs in 1825 who like the Serbs shortly afterwards went on to other places.  It was only in 1827 when the Germans arrived and soon became the majority in a permanent settlement .  By 1848 they were 65.8% of the population of 1,500.  He also settled Germans in Putinci at that time, while other nobles established Calma, Banostor, Cerevic and Greguerevci and Vukovar and Sotting received more Germans as well.

  Compared to the emerging daughter settlements emerging in Srem very little development was taking place in Slavonia.  But in 1824 Johannisberg was settled with Germans from the Egerland.  Deutsch-Derschanitz later becoming Johannesdorf-Jovanovac was settled by Germans who came from the Tolna in Hungary in 1836.  They had been brought specially to begin the cultivation of tobacco.  In 1843 Neu Zoljani was settled by Germans from Veszprem County in Hungary.

  In addition to these contractual settlements between a landlord/noble and a group, some individuals were simply making their own arrangements and purchased land and houses.

  To a great extent Slavonia remained a wilderness and backwoods area, relatively untouched by an attempts at settlement.  With the emancipation of the serfs in 1848, the local population was more unreliable than ever.  The Swabian villages of Hungary and the Batschka were overcrowded and there was now nowhere to go to seek a living.  The government in Vienna set the stage for a new settlement movement.

  The Regulation and Decree was issued by the Emperor on December 31, 1858 and was addressed to the Kingdom of Hungary, Croatia, Slavonia, the Serbian Wojwodina, the Banat and the Princedom of Transylvania with a renewed call for agricultural settlement and development of the Dual Monarchy.

  Some of the regulations included:  each settlement requires a minimum of 1,000 Joch of land; homes for at least fifty families must be provided; all members of the community, regardless of their place of origin must be of one nationality and confession (religious denomination).  The intention of the decree was to provide a supply of workers for the landholders, but the Emperor also stipulated the need for providing incentives like tax exemptions.  The government sought to gain immigrants from other countries to strength its population and broaden its economic base.  The would-be-settlers would become citizens of the Monarchy upon arrival; their sons born outside of the Monarchy were free from military service; they were guaranteed the free expression of their religion if they were recognized groups in the Monarchy; cattle, machinery, goods, equipment, goods would pass through customs at no cost.

  To the consternation and disappointment of Vienna there was no response from Germany.  The mass migrations had ended with Joseph II and now it was the United States of America that beckoned.

  The results of the new settlement Patent of the Emperor were hardly impressive in Croatia and Slavonia.  Only ten German settlements were established in response to it.  Three were established in 1866 by contracting with the landowners and their agents at Blagorodovac, Eichendorf-Hrastovac and Antunovac.  The settlers came from Baranya, Tolna and Somogy Counties in Hungary.  In the same year there were also settlements established in Sokolovac and Djulaves (later Miolovicevo), but the contract between the settlers and the noble were only officially ratified in 1877.  Dobrovac was also settled in 1866 but the contract only finalized in 1881.  Settlers from the Böhmerwald settled in Filipovac in 1886.  The village of Kerndia was already settled in 1880/1881 but a contract with Bishop Strossmayer was not signed until 1891.  The last two communities were Kapetanovo Polje settled in 1882 and Franjevac-Strizicevac in 1886 the contracts for which were only ratified by their landlord later in 1891.

  We need to be reminded that 80% of the land involved was heavily forested wilderness and the chief task of the colonists was clearing the land.  The land they took over was often not very fertile or at best marginal to say the least.  They had to pay for the house lot and garden and clear it and were given some of the wood that they cut to use in the construction of their homes and other farm buildings but often at high prices.  No other language group or nationality responded to the Patent except the Germans at a time when anti-German feeling in Croatia was at its highest, but the nobles made the adjustment because the Germans were industrious and would stick to it no matter what happened.  Exactly what they wanted.

  But other settlement was taking place outside of the Patent of the Emperor.  Some of the landlords simply parceled out the land.  Groups of settlers obtained loans and mortgages to buy land and create a settlement.  But it was difficult to cope with the elements, floods, isolation, hunger, epidemics and frequent crop losses.  Most of those who responded were from among the poor and they overlooked the risks that were involved because of the possibility of improving their lives and that of their families

  With the Slavic peasantry freed from serfdom they were anxious to sell the land and the house they had received and move on, preferably into the towns.  As a result, the price of land fell dramatically in Slavonia and Srem after 1848.  At the same time land was scarce and expensive in other German settlement areas, especially Swabian Turkey and the Batschka.  Selling a small plot of land there enabled them to buy a holding Slavonia.

  The new migration was from within the Monarchy and resulted in the strengthening of the original settlements.  It especially had a very positive effect on the German Lutheran communities.  The Military Frontier District was an area where this was most noticeable.  The first settlers lured their families and friends to join them in Slavonia or Srem.  As a result villages where Germans were a minority, by 1880 had become the majority.  Banovci 64%, Gasimci 53%, Mrzovic 57%, Slatinik 60%, Tomasanci 65%, Pisak  75%,.  But the success of the German communities led to jealousy and anti-German feelings and subsequent actions against them.

  During this period, both in Srem and Slavonia, Germans from within the Monarchy settled in almost every single village and bought land and stayed there at least for a time.  For that reason it would not be possible to note every such settlement, but only those in which a large portion of the population were of German origin.

  Western and central Slavonia were the locales of the most important of these newly established enclaves:  Gross-Pisanitz (1881), Palesnik (1882), Klein-Bastei (1885), Marjanci, Colinci (1870), Kucanci (1876) Cacinci (1908) and the vicinity of Trnjani (1890) and Garcin (1890).  According to the mayor of Drenovac the last two mentioned communities were settled in 1875 by colonists from the Burgenland: Oberndorf, Kitzladen, Pinkafeld, Oberschützen, Wörterberg, Althau and Sinnersdorf.  A second group of settlers from the Burgenland from the vicinity of Güns established themselves in Uljanik by Daruvar and some individuals went on to Kutina and Dolci.  During this settlement with the exception of Gross-Pisanitz and Cacinci, not more than one hundred or two hundred Germans were involved, but they were strong enough numerically to survive and maintain their German identity and in some places they formed the majority of the local population some even eventually reaching five hundred German inhabitants.  These villages were also not as scattered from one another as they were in other parts of Slavonia and the contacts between villages were will maintained and their ethnic identity was protected and not threatened with assimilation as it was in other areas and included: Selci, Satnica (1875), Pisak, Vucevci (1850), Gortgani, Gasinci, Tomasanci, Semeljci, Kesinci, Viskorvci, Forkusevci, Mrzovic (1858) Vrbica, Djurdjanci, Slatnik (1875) and Drenje.

  The same situation also prevailed in the following settlements and enclaves in western Srem:  Ilaca, Kukujevci, Bapska-Novak, Schider Banovci, Nijemci (1870), Nustar, Ceric, Svinjarevci, Jankovci, Tordinci, Vodjinci, Ivankovo, Orolik, Drenovci and Rajevo Selo (1883).

  In eastern Srem, south of Ruma the enclaves of Nikinci, Hertkovci and Grabovci later resulted.

  This inner migration within the Monarchy had a powerful effect and influence on the strengthening of the German Lutheran settlements in Croatia.  Much of it was concentrated in the Military Frontier District, which up until the Protestant Patent was promulgated had to deal with a lot of difficulties, which were now surmounted by the more liberal Military administration in its interpretation of the new laws.  Enclaves would emerge in Beska and Krcedin (around 1859), Becmen (around 1860) in Surcin (around 1869) and Obrez (around 1860).  The settlement of Bezanija by families from Neu Pasau began already in 1842.  With the dispersal of the Military Frontier District all of these settlements received new settlers and developed new daughter settlements in Dobanovci (1875) and Asanja.

  Bosnia was finally in the spotlight of European history in the later half of the 19th century.  It had been under Turkish rule for over four hundred years and its population had converted to Islam to a great extent.  Austria-Hungary claimed its sphere of influence at the Congress of Berlin in 1878 and formally annexed Bosnia in 1908.

  Economically it was a total mess.  Minimal cultivation of its land was taking place.  No cattle rearing or sheep herding was in existence.  It was in need of development in every sense of the word.

  The earliest German settlement resulted from the efforts of monks from Germany led by Franz Pfanner and resulted in the village of Windhorst (1869).  Settlers came from Baden, Rhineland, Prussia and later from Westphalia, Hannover, Oldenburg and Holland.  Other villages were later established in the vicinity.

  Franzjosefsfeld was established in 1886 in north eastern Bosnia, the first Danube Swabian settlement, consisting of 91 families from Franzfeld in the Banat who numbered 402 persons.  This was a Lutheran community later joined by others from Neu Pasau, Tscherwenka, Schowe and other Lutheran villages in the Batschka ans Srem.  They endured floods, bad crops and epidemics located in the heart of a vast wilderness.  Schonborn, known as Petrovo Polje was also an early Lutheran settlement.

  As the government got involved and established “colonies” in Bosnia between 1891 and 1904 there were 54 colonies in all with over 9,000 inhabitants.  Of these, twelve were German with a total population of 1,800 persons.  But attempts were always made to put a stop to the government colonization programme, which was finally accomplished by law in 1906.

  In 1891 the colonies at Branjevo and Dugo Polje were established by the government.  These settlers came from Lutheran villages in the Batschka and a few families from Srem.  Dugo Polje was established by nine Lutheran families from the Batschka and was the smallest of the colonies.

  Four more were established in 1894:  Dubrava-Königsfeld by twenty families from Slavonia, the Batschka, Galicia and Moravia.  Within two years only two men remained, when a new re-settlement was undertaken.  Vrbaska-Karlsdorf was established by settlers from Galicia.  Prosara was established by twenty-one German families from Galicia and Russia and proved to be the worst situation in which to plant a colony.  Korace was settled by eight families, numbering 38 persons from Galicia.

  In 1895 the government colony of Ukrinski was established with settlers from Russia, Galicia, Slavonia, Swabian Turkey and Bukovina and other areas.  There were 300 persons, half of whom were from Danube Swabian communities.  In 1937 there was a population of 1,096 persons.  Because of floods and famine, the colony moved to a new site and took on a new name:  Schutzberg.

  In 1895 another colony was established by the government at Vranovac and most of the colonists came from Galicia and southeran Russia (Black Sea Germans).  In 1896 the colony of Kardar was founded on the Sava River.  The settlers came from Galicia who were later joined by others from Slavnonia and the Banat.  Also in 1896 the colony of Ularici-Franferdinandshöh (later Putnikovo Brdo) where after the heavily forested land was cleared the soil was found to be marginal and sugar beet cultivation proved to be the only economically viable crop.  Later in 1898/1899 the colony of Sibouska was formed, the only government sponsored German Roman Catholic agricultural community.  The settlers came from Galicia and Bukovina and maintained a close relationship with the Lutheran community of Schützberg in order to maintain their German identity.

  The last government sponsored German colony was Vrbovac in 1903/1904.  The first settlers came from Galicia and were later joined by families from the Banat.  There were of course also individuals and families who moved into Bosnia on their own and not part of a planned settlement programme.  Some of these private settlers also came from Galica,, Bukovina and southern Russia.  Often these groups moved on to the colonies later as they were unable to support a German school or develop congregational life as a diaspora group.

  Some colonies developed factories, saw mills and other businesses, while others remained very small and lived a rather primitive, isolated existence.  In 1912 a new colony was formed at Sitnes, consisting of settlers from the other Bosnia colonies.  On the whole, life was more difficult and the land inferior on the government colonies.

Croatia and the Colonization Question

  Prior to 1848, the Croatians paid little attention to the small groups of settlers in the wilderness.  It was only in 1865 when the Croatian intelligentsia acknowledged that there were German and Hungarian minorities present in their country.

  In Srem, it was a different matter living there among the Serbians who as early as 1846 and 1847 began expressing their concern that they were being “replaced” by the industrious Germans, whose hard work had led to success, which unfortunately led to embitterment on the part of their Serbian neighbors.

  The nationalist press raised a hue and cry against the “invaders” from the north even though they made a tremendous contribution of the economy.  Radicalization set in.

  By and large there were voices of the opposition but the government had to have a greater concern for the nation’s finances rather than its nationalistic feelings.  After 1848 there was simply no let up in ongoing immigration and “foreign” settlement.  The entry of more and more Hungarian settlers and their setting up of their Hungarian schools created quite an uproar.  Every minority was as seen as a threat by the Croatians and from their perspective assimilation was the only solution.  The German threat eastwards as the official policy of Prussianized Germany was read into the real motivations of the German settlers moving into Croatia.  This would prove especially true in Bosnia were some of the settlers actually came from the Reich.

  When that argument failed to work, the Croatian nationalists pictured the Germans as the tools and weapons of the Magyars in their ongoing attempt to lord it over them.  It was a matter of the indolence of the Slavic peasants and the industriousness of the “Swabians” and the economic consequences.  The Swabians created an economic miracle in a marginal wilderness for which the Slavs were not grateful as long as they were there.

  Many areas of Slavonia were uninhabited and were of no real economic value.  Only settlers and capital investment could change that.  Many of the settlers brought capital with them.  That served as an antidote to the charge that they were opportunists and carpetbaggers and ne’er-do-wells.  By 1910, ten per cent of the arable land was still undeveloped.  First of all, the nobles preferred German settlers and then Slovaks and Czechs who were seen as their Slavic brothers.  Their last choice was the Magyars (Hungarians) who usually assimilated within one generation.  It was the Germans who resisted assimilation the longest.  This would prove to be dangerous in the future.

  As neighbors the Germans got along with the Croatian and Serbian populations.  The government saw them as a necessary economic evil at best, and as a threat to the unity of the Slavs at the worst.  It was the latter view that would prevail.  The answer was to make the Slavs industrious, thrifty and work focused so that they no longer sold their land to the Germans.  The banking institutions would support their peasantry in this endeavor.  But there were only minor initiatives, especially in the new areas opening for settlement.  The Slavs decided they would rather be farm laborers working for the Germans.  All of the new settlement laws of the government favored inner-migration and attempted to thwart emigration elsewhere as much as possible.  Still the population stagnated.  The only group that was affected was the Hungarians who began to leave.

  But as the 19^th century ended, the major issue was no longer immigration into Slavonia but the emigration of countless thousands of young people to the United States and this also included vast numbers of the German population.  By the outbreak of the First World War almost all immigration into Slavonia had ceased and the presence of Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks and the other nationalities was simply accepted as an economic and social reality that had no political implications.  There was no conspiracy or a fifth column directed against the Croatians.

The German Population and the Revolution of 1848

  Political life in Croatian and Slavonia before the Revolution was a mirror and reflection of neighboring Hungary.  In both countries, first place on the political spectrum were the nobles and their agenda.  The urban citizens in Hungary, however, were awakening to issues that had no counterpart in Croatia and Slavonia.  German speaking nobles were landlords in Croatia and supported the aspirations of the nobility of Hungary and as a special interest group they took their cue from Budapest.  The nationality question was of no consequence to them.  The German nobles also had no interest in “national” politics as Germans.  The “national” movements began among the urban populations fed on “romanticism”, mostly the poorer classes who felt discriminated against and the watchword became “Volk” (Folk) and “folk language.”  The Germans formed the largest single element in the urban settlements and went over to identifying with the Croatian aspirations and gave up their mother tongue.

  Most of the Croatian Nationalists were of German origin and had German names!  This was often through marriage.  Bishop Strossmayer is one important example.  In his case it became fanaticism.  But under the surface this was not the cultural and social movement born out of romanticism, but ethnic identification, another word for nationalism and racism and had political implications:  the unification of the South Slavs.  There was the demand for the use of the Croatian language by the government administration over against the use of Latin in the Counties and German in the courts.  After 1840 this became more and more contentious.

    In Essegg and other communities with a large German population they sided with the nationalist movement and supported their aspirations early in 1848 over the language issue.  They would support opposition against the Hungarian attempts to suppress such a movement.  In a petition they said the following:

  “We all desire to be united with Croatia as we always have been, but without breaking away from Hungary.  We are happy to accept the use of the Croatian language in all of the affairs of the city governance; but we will also continue to use our own language in out life and commerce…”

  The Croatian Nationalist became more strident and by May of 1848 they introduced the use of Croatian in all of the affairs of Weretz County.  The German population was caught between the rival nationalistic groups and had to make a choice and sided with the pro-Hungarian party.  They were attracted by the liberalism of Kossuth and a proposed new constitution with broader freedoms.  That act was a reflection of the basic liberalism of the German population in Essegg, which were the ideals of the French Revolution.

  The Banus (Governor) Jelacic opposed the aspirations of the Hungarian rebels and sided with the German-Austrian Emperor, while the German population of Slavonia and Croatia by and large followed the lead of Essegg in support of Kossuth and his allies.  To the horror of Jelacic, in April 1848 the Hungarian rebels abolished serfdom and declared that all nobles and commoners were equals!

  May 30, 1848 the mayor of Essegg, Alois Schmidt left for Budapest to declare the city of Essegg loyal to the Revolution.  The next day, the Town Council refused to accept or acknowledge Jelacic as the Banus and sent no representatives to Agram to a meeting of the Sabor to avoid participating in his installation.  Jelacic would never forget that.  He would later disenfranchise the citizens when he occupied the city and threatened to deport them to the United States.  It was only in 1850 that the German citizens regained their civic rights.

  In Srem things came a head before 1845.  Eastern Srem was heavily pro-Serbian, while western Srem was won over by the pro-Hungarian party.  The Germans by and large sided with the Hungarians but not in an overt or political way.  Ruma was an exception where the German population supported the Serbs.  But this would not last long.  By April 26, 1848 the German citizens complained to the County Administrator about the agitation of the Serbian youth who sowed hatred among the nationalities and threatened to beat up the German population of Ruma.  Other communities, like Semlin also wrote letters of complaint to the same effect.  This did not sit well with the Serbian Nationalist leadership who sought to control the Wojwodina where the largest German settlements were located.  The Military Frontier District was still under Hungarian control, but most of the officers were German and they needed to be won over.  The Serbian leadership prepared a proclamation addressed to: 

To Our German Brothers 

  “The Serbian nation has been forced to preserve its national rights and freedoms by taking up the sword for the sake of its religion, traditions and customs, its language and nationality, in the face of the threats of the newly situated Magyar government, which we will oppose forever.

 

  The Serbian nation recognizes every religion, nationality, language, traditions, and customs, the right to life and ownership of every individual German brother and citizen.  The Serbian nation is not warring against German brothers, their religion, life, nationality or traditions to destroy them, nor their life, home and lands to destroy, plunder or rob, because such cruelties are not consistent with our own national character.

 

  Therefore, German brothers we acknowledge before God and all nations, that the Serbian nation and its military power has no aggressive intention against you, our German brothers, nor will we limit your religious or citizenship rights, on the contrary we will protect these rights as we face a common enemy and honor our loyalty to his Majesty, the Emperor, Ferdinand I, as a guarantee of your rights forever.

 

  BUT WE ALSO ISSUE THIS WARNING…all those Germans who oppose us or go over to the enemy will be treated as our enemies.

  Long live the Emperor, and King, Ferdidnand I, long live the German and Serbian people.  Long live our Brotherhood.”

  The relations between the local populations were strained.  On the local scene the Serbian population did not reflect their leadership’s actions and attitudes towards the Germans.  Violence broke out in many communities this was especially true in India.  The priests of the Roman Catholic and Orthodox churches both got into the act.  On the whole the German and Slovak populations wanted no part in these conflicts but were physically forced to support the Serbs.  The relations between the Serbs and the Roman Catholic population in particular continued to get worse and worse.

  The Serbian leadership began to mobilize the entire population regardless of nationality or religious confession.  This led to unrest and rebellion among the German population, especially in the Military Frontier District.  Troops had to be sent in to restore order and arrested Swabians and took them to Karlowitz to the military barracks.  The Serbs declared the Wojwodina a part of their state and were faced by the opposition of the Roman Catholic population.  In response to the Serbian provocations, the Roman Catholic population became more and more pro-Hungarian.  As long as the Hungarians and Serbs battled one another anarchy reigned in the Wojwodina.  Plundering, murder and robbery were the order of the day.  The Serbian population simply ran amok.  The Germans, like those in Bukowitz suffered greatly at their hands . . .

The Removal of the German Language from Government and School

  After 1860, the language issue in Croatia was taken up with great vehemence and as a result German disappeared as the language of the Courts.

  By action of the Sabor on October 5, 1861 all government authorities and officials had to be able to speak either Croatian or Serbian.  All representatives elected to the Sabor also had to speak one of the languages.  On October 13, 1861 the language of instruction in the schools was to be Serbo-Croatian, and German could no longer be taught as a subject in the high schools.  But Emperor Francis Joseph vetoed the new regulations.  The Croatians found other ways to impose their decree, beginning in the cities.  But in most of the German towns and cities, the Germans were able to maintain the use of their language and elect mayors, parliamentary representatives who were German speaking.

  In 1868 the Compromise between Hungary and Croatia and Slavonia was signed that granted some autonomy on domestic and religious affairs.

  It is interesting that in their negotiations with the Hungarians they used Kossuth their fiercest enemy as their model.  Kossuth had said that the evolving middle class in the towns would be the bearer of the national movement and the ultimate enemy would be the Germans.  “Our future depends on a middle class.  The nobles are easy to incorporate, but they are few, the source must be the citizens of the free cities.  But they must become Hungarans.  Our cities to a great extent are German, which means that commerce and industry is in German hands.  It is our nationality that is threatened by them.  They are the enemy.  Kossuth’s words met a responsive chord among the Croatians.

  But Srem was a different story.  No middle class evolved among the early agricultural settlers.  They brought their clergy and teachers with them.  After 1848 a few farmers sent their sons to study for the priesthood or teaching.  Their education was either in Croatian or Hungarian and did not prepare them to function as the intelligentsia of their peasant farmer society.  In the 1880’s and after the distance between the urban Germans and the farmers in the isolated areas led to them growing farther and farther apart in other ways as well.  The end of both groups appeared to be just ahead.  Neither group was of any significant political importance.

  The Germans in Srem found themselves caught between the Serbs and the Croatians who each sought hegemony over the other.  Since the Serbs were the majority, the Croatians hoped to catch up by assimilating all of the Germans into their language group.  They were quite successful in western Srem, but not in the eastern part.

  What happened was a resurgence of a “German conscousness” among the German population.  During the last decade of the 19^th century a “German middle class” emerged in Ruma (with a population of 8,000 of whom 7,000 were Germans) as a result of some leading personalities who had attended German high schools outside of Srem, Slavonia and Croatia, especially in Graz and Vienna in Austria.  This had a tremendous affect on the deepening of a German consciousness on the part of all of the scattered German populations.  The first attempt at a German organization and a newspaper began in Ruma, November 2, 1903.  The first members were from Ruma, India, Putinci, Beschka and Neu Slankaman.  There were none from western Srem or Slavonia because information did not flow freely into those areas.  The first edition of “Deutsche Volksblatt fur Syrmien” (German People’s Paper fur Srem) was a weekly, with a circulation of 2,000 copies.  Soon other newspapers appeared in other areas.  This led to local libraries, agitation for German speaking priests and teachers, assemblies and the like.  The government legislated against them, but the Germans had “friends at court” and moved ahead.

  The Croatian press and public reaction against the German activism was to go on the attack everywhere.  Serbs and Croatians in Srem began to organize against the German threat.  After 1904, Ruma elected a German mayor and the majority of the Town Council were Germans, India elected to Germans of its twelve Town Council members, in Putinci it was eleven out of twelve and the Germans won a majority in Sotting in 1907.  The Croatian Nationalist parties all had apoplexy.

  Did this now mean that a German candidate could win election to the Sabor?  (Parliament).

  There were two categories of voters:  twenty-four years of age, male, citizen, and a taxpayer.  And the following could vote simply on the basis of their profession:  clergy, teachers, physicians, notaries, all university faculty members, druggists, engineers and professors.  There were 88 seats in the Sabor for a period of five years.

  In 1907 the Social Democrats pointed out that out of 2,500,000 men only 45,000 could vote.  The electoral district of Ruma, which included:  Ruma, India, Putinci, Kraljevci, Petrovci and Klein Rdinci had only an electorate of 1,108.  This was one of the largest of the electoral districts.  There were six electoral districts with less than 100 voters.  This left the door open to buy votes.  The Germans joined all those calling for universal suffrage just introduced in Austria in 1908.  But the government hedged, afraid that the German and Hungarian minority, which represented ten per cent of the population, would elect their own representatives and therefore influence the nation in some way.

  In 1910 an election reform law was passed against universal suffrage but expanding the electorate to 200,000 persons.  As a result in Ruma, the Germans were the majority of the electors at 53.25%, while in Semlin they represented 36.26%.  Of the 190,043 votes, 8,388 were Germans, which was 4.4%.  No one was happy with the reform.

  In 1917 the number of seats was increased to 122 and all of the electoral districts were made the same size in terms of the number of voters on the basis of the Croatian and Serbian populations, to make sure the minorities did not have the population to elect one of their own.  There was no electoral district with a German majority.  The closest were Essegg-Upper Town 34.7%, Semlin 38.3%,  Essegg-Lower Town 37.3% and Dobrinci 31.0%.

The Germans and the Confessional Situation

  In Croatia-Slavonia, 70% of the German population of about 175,000 persons were Roman Catholic and were part of two dioceses: Agram and Bosnia-Syrmien. During the first wave of immigration the settlers from Germany were accompanied by their own priests, all of the next generations were to be served by Croatians, who were often Croatized Germans and were fanatic nationalists just like Strossmayer. This would lead to confrontation any time their German parishioners gave any indication of attempting to assert their German language, traditions or heritage. Any German priests who attempted to serve in either diocese were suspect and would not be accepted by their Croatian counterparts or bishops. They would almost always be appointed to parishes that were totally Croatian, regardless of their desire to serve a German parish. None of the bishops would permit the use of German in the Mass or allow any preaching. Some concessions were made in 1836 and German priests were allowed to serve in Esseg, Jarmin, India and Peterwardein and in some parishes the same applied to the use of the Hungarian language. In the city of Agram there were always German priests serving there because of the cosmopolitan nature of the city and its international connections.

  The long term result of this attempt to stifle and muzzle the aspirations of the German population through the church, led to the abandonment of the Church by the emerging German leadership and intelligentsia who stepped outside of the Church, seeing it as irrelevant and simply a political tool of the Croatian Nationalists. Studying in Germany and Austria many of them became fiercely anti-Roman Catholic in response to the growing "Free From Rome" movement that was sweeping Austria and a new phenomenon took place there which was repeated in Croatia and Slavonia: Lutheran prayer houses were erected in Roman Catholic communities, schools established and pastors called especially in the towns.

  In Bosnia the situation was somewhat different in that only about one third of the German settlers there were Roman Catholics. Chiefly at: Windthorst, Siboska, Kalenderovci, Polje and Sitnes. In Rudolfstal and Opsiecks the Roman Catholics formed the majority of the population. These parishes were regularly served by German priests many from the various monastic orders in the area.

  The Protestants formed only a small minority in Croatia and Slavonia. In 1891 there were 36,151 Lutherans and 12,365 Reformed. This number increased up to 1914 with an ongoing emigration from Swabian Turkey in Hungary. In the national census of 1900 Lutherans accounted for 1.24% of the population and the Reformed 0.57%. With the exception of Slovak Lutherans and Hungarian Reformed, the Protestants by and large were Germans.

  With the passing of the General Regulation XXVI in the year 1791 members of the two Evangelical Churches were forbidden to settle or own land in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, but the existing Evangelicals in Lower Slavonia were not allowed to be harassed. The War Office in Vienna decreed in 1839 that the purchase of land and property by Protestants in the Military Frontier District was also forbidden. The existing Protestant populations already living in the District were to be expelled. There were over 600 of them in Neu Pasua alone and they began to prepare to immigrate to Russia but their pastor, Andreas Weber through a personal appeal to the Emperor was able to prevent it. The Protestant population continued to face difficulties of this nature until 1859.

  On September 1, 1859 the Emperor issued an Imperial Patent for Croatia that officially recognized both of the Evangelical Churches. It took up to 1866 before the Protestants were granted freedom of religion by the Sabor. Opposition came from the Bishop of Senj, Vjenceslav Soic, who protested against the legalization of the Confessions of the Protestant Churches whose entry into Croatia was seen as introducing a "foreign" element into the life of the nation.

  As a result of the Compromise between Hungary and Croatia in 1868, all of the Lutheran and Reformed congregations in Croatia and Slavonia remained under the supervision of the Seniorats and Superintendents of their respective churches in Hungary, with the exception of the Lutheran congregation in Agram. This would lead to conflict and misunderstanding in the future. In 1873 the government of Croatia attempted to set in motion the legal establishment and administration of an independent Lutheran and Reformed Church of Croatia and Slavonia but were unable to put it into effect.

  In 1881 there were 15 Lutheran pastorates in the country: in Agram, Alt-Pasua, Neudorf, Beschka, Antunovac, Eichendorf, Surtschin, Bingula, Brekinska, Rieddorf-Retfala, Neu Pasau, Hrastiin, Laslovo, Tordinci, Korodj. As mentioned previously, all of them with the exception of Agram were part of the Evangelical Church of the Augsburg Confession in Hungary (Lutheran).

  This relationship was frequently challenged both by the Croatian Sabor and the congregations and pastors themselves, but there was no desire to create friction with the Hungarian government or church authorities. Eventually in 1900, the Lutheran congregations formed an independent Seniorat within the Hungarian Church, with the exception of the congregations in Agram that remained independent, and Antunovac and Eichendorf that continued their membership in the Seniorat of Tolna and Baranya in Hungary. The much smaller Reformed constituency maintained distance from the religious authorities in Hungary as much as possible.

  Most of the Protestant congregations were served by German pastors and thereby avoided the struggle that the Roman Catholic Germans had with their Croatian priests. The one exception was the pastor in Neudorf, Senior Nicholas Abaffy, a Slovak and also a fanatic pan-Slav who turned his congregation against him with his determination to Croatize the members. He even attempted to change the German name of the village to the Croatian: Novo Selo. The German newspapers also criticized him in 1910 because of his political agitation on behalf of the Coalition Party, claiming he used the pastorate for non-religious purposes. In 1917, after Abaffy’s death, Franz Morgenthaler of Neu Pasua was elected the Senior. The Slovaks insisted that the election was void because he could not handle the Croatian language adequately. He was given two years to learn the language and if he failed to be proficient in it, he could not continue in his office.

  In addition to that, the assembly of the Seniorat had to deal with the difficulties in Bingula. The Lutheran "brothers" in Bingula were experiencing constant conflict as German and Slovak speaking members of the same congregation sought ascendancy in the leadership of the congregation. Because they could not come to terms over which language to use in worship, the Germans desired to establish their own German congregation and if that was not to be granted to them, they would leave the church. The assembly in convention supported the request of the German members, but that did not settle the local problem.

  Another major difficulty in many regions was the question of religious education because a number of the Lutheran teachers did not have a command of the Croatian language and some of the officials of the government insisted that the instruction had to be in Croatian. In 1905/1906 the education officials ordered that all religious instruction at Weretz had to be in Croatian or the school could not be opened. Weretz was a filial of Slatina and the pastor there could not speak Croatian and therefore the children could not be taught religious education in their "church" school!

  The two Protestant Churches and their individual congregations had regular contact, received support and maintained relationships with Protestant Church circles in Austria, Switzerland and Germany unlike their Roman Catholic counterparts. As a church of the "Diaspora" the Churches also received financial support and assistance from Germany as well as pastors. They especially assisted in projects beyond the means of the fledgling churches and were instrumental in providing 16,000 Marks towards the building of the new church in Agram.

  Bosnia proved to be a different situation and the small-scattered congregations existed autonomously. Franzjosefsfeld at first existed as a filial of their mother church in Franzfeld in the Banat. It became a parish in 1891. This was followed by Banja Luka in 1893, Lukavac in 1904, in Schutzberg in 1910, Bosnisch Brod in 1914. A congregation was established in Sarajevo along with a filial congregation in Zabidovici in 1898. They formed a synod with a president as their provisional church government.

The ethnic Germans as a "Folk Group" in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia

  With the dismemberment of the Austro-Hungarian Empire following the First World War, the long held dream of the South Slavs was realized in the establishment of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, a decision that was made without the input or approval of the populations that would be involved in redrawing the map of this portion of the Balkans. The major partners of this union would turn out to be the Serbs and Croats, but they were not equally matched. Croatia was very much the junior partner and bristled because of their secondary position in the new Kingdom that would have repercussions for the future and in the end have disastrous affects on the Danube Swabian populations involved.

  Serbians troops occupied all of the territories of future Yugoslavia, but did so in a rather ruthless manner: plundering, mistreating local populations, murdering and terrorizing the minorities they encountered. There was to be no question of who was in charge. The Serbs. In their minds Yugoslavia was simply Greater Serbia. Croatia alone could offer any resistance and was prepared to do so as subsequent history would prove. During this period of transition the ethnic German population had to endure a lot and was in no position to offer any resistance. Most of the men had gone off to war, mainly on the Eastern Front and were prisoners of war. There were immediate calls to confiscate the property of the Danube Swabian minority and expel them from the country. The Serbian troops could not maintain order and districts set up "home guard" units that often included the older Danube Swabian men to protect their villages from vandalism, raids and attacks from disbanded soldiers, deserters and brigands. Women and children often had to seek safety in the forests in the bitter cold of 1919.

  With the declaration of the State and Kingdom of Yugoslavia a whole new relationship arose among the widely scattered ethnic German communities in the new jurisdictions in which they found themselves and their new authorities and rulers with whom they had to deal. In each of the areas of Danube Swabian settlement there were men who were prepared to establish organizations for the welfare, freedom and defense of the ethnic German minority as an identifiable ethnic group, the so-called Volksgruppe (Folk Group), which also had racial overtones. These areas of settlement in the new south Slav state were the western portion of the Banat, the largest part of the Batschka (Vojvodina), Lower Baranya, Syrmien, Slavonia, Croatia, Bosnia as well as Slovenia. Most of these areas had a previous history with Hungary, except for Bosnia and Croatia and Slavonia, which had an existence of their own.

  Initially there was little change for the Danube Swabians in Croatia and Slavonia except they found themselves caught in the middle of the struggle between the Croats and Serbs for control of the new nation state. There was no longer a language problem since the ethnic Germans were now Croatian speaking and not very fluent in German at all if they still had any knowledge of their language. Because of the enlarged Folk Group in this new centralized state, the leadership of the ethnic German minority from across the Kingdom in diversified groups and organizations worked towards the objective of establishing a centralized organization to enable them to have a national voice.

  The elections that were planned excluded the Danube Swabian minority as well as all of the others and were designed for an electorate that consisted only of Croats, Serbs and Slovenes. This resulted in great unrest in all of the regions with sizable ethnic German populations. One of the stipulations and guarantees that the new state of Yugoslavia had agreed to uphold as a result of the Treaty of Trianon was to protect minority rights but they insisted that to give the minorities the vote would destabilize national sovereignty. Because the Danube Swabian minority was prevented from any role or participation in the political and public life of the Kingdom, they opted to form a cultural organization to unite all elements of the minority, in the various areas of settlement, and as a result the Swabian German Cultural Union (SDKB) was formed at Neusatz (Novi Sad) on June 20, 1920 with over two thousand participants in attendance.

  In 1921 a new constitution was passed by the Sabor with a vote of 223-196, which made all citizens equal before the law. This equalization of all of the minority ethnic groups began a new phase in which the Danube Swabians could now fully participate. They had been given the franchise and all of the political parties sought their support for they recognized that the ethnic Germans who numbered approximately one million persons were now a force to be reckoned with. But the leaders of the Folk Group organizations were already planning to give birth to a political party of their own: a "Ethnic German Party" to protect their rights and freedoms and full participation in the life of the nation. The party manifesto that was passed at the assembly in Hatzfeld on December 17, 1922 began with a confession of loyalty to the Dynasty and State and included a twelve-point program to achieve their objectives. The party leadership that was elected included: Dr. Ludwig Kremling of Weisskirchen, president who served with an executive: Dr. Stefan Kraft of India, Dr. Hans Moser of Semlin and Michael Theiss of Hatzfeld. Of the twenty members of the party Council Dr. Sepp Müller of Ruma, Dr. Jörg Müller of Ruma, Christian Marx of Erdwik and Franz Moser of Semlin represented Syrmien.

  The new party contested the elections in 1923 and eight members were elected: four from Syrmien, three from the Banat and one from Slovenia. But in various parts of the Kingdom, Danube Swabian candidates were elected representing other parties. In Bosnia the ethnic Germans voted for Moslems and Croatian candidates because they were more tolerant than the Serbs who were running. Many of the parties saw the Ethnic German Party as a divisive force, while they in turn said they would go out of existence whenever the ethnic Germans achieve their full rights guaranteed by the Constitution. This was said in the context of the situation in which many of the Danube Swabian communities lived such as Lazarfeld. In April of 1924, sixty Danube Swabian farmers out working in their fields were attacked by a mob of some two hundred so-called Dobrovoljci (patriots). Sixteen of them were badly injured. The leader of the Serbian mob was a lawyer and he screamed: "You Danube Swabians have your rights, but we have the power!" All kinds of intimidation of voters would follow, leading to the public beating of many of the Ethnic German Party candidates. In the next elections, the Ethnic German Party received more votes but only elected five representatives.

  King Alexander set aside the Constitution on January 6, 1929 and declared a dictatorship and disbanded all political parties and issued a proclamation to his: "Beloved people, all Serbians, Croatians and Slovenes." He made no mention of the other seventh of the population: the minorities. He always did it that way. He desired a centralized government and national unity, but only on his own terms, which resulted in his assassination.

The Emerging Conflicts (1933-1939)

  With the dictatorship in place, in spite of the efforts of the leadership of the ethnic German minority there was great discontent on the part of some in the various areas of Danube Swabian settlement. There were questions about the finances of the SDKB with charges of mismanagement that required the intervention of the German ambassador in Belgrade. At the beginning of 1933 the discontent took on concrete form. Dr. Jakob Awender, a physician from Pantschowa headed what became known as the "Renewal Movement" and he as its "Führer" attacked the key leadership of the SDKB in the press and at every opportunity. This was at the time of the Depression and there had been successive crop failures all of which fueled the discontent. The co-operatives set up by the SDKB attempted to respond to the crisis but only succeeded in making it worse. Not only were the farmers critical of the leadership but also the young academicians who had studied in Germany and Austria were also vocal in their opposition. They were highly influenced by the political trends taking place in Austria and Germany and were fed up with the old leadership, values and attitudes. At first, this was perhaps nothing more or less than a generation gap. With the coming of the dictatorship in Yugoslavia in 1929 the German Party like the other political parties was banned. This meant fewer positions and offices available to the new intelligentsia who chafed at the lack of opportunities available to them. These and other malcontents are the ones who assembled at Pantschowa as the "Renewal Movement" and chose Awender as their Leader. They published their own weekly newspaper and wrote highly critical articles and personal attacks against the leadership of the SDKB and demanded their resignations.

 In November 1933 a new German ambassador, Viktor von Heeren was appointed and arrived in Belgrade. He officially supported the "old leadership" of the Folk Group but he had really come to get the lay of the land and hinder and avoid any internal squabbles among the Danube Swabian minority, which now was virtually impossible.

 With the assassination of the King in 1935, the political parties stepped into the void. In effect the National Party took over the government following the elections in which only two Ethnic German Party representatives were elected. They in turn supported the majority party and were "welcome" to join the party, and Dr. Kraft the leader of the SDKB did, hoping to get a better hearing for the issues that were of primary concern of the ethnic Germans in terms of the school and language issue. The government carried on friendly relations with Germany and felt no need to treat the Danube Swabian minority with kid gloves. The German ambassador’s main concern was the foreign policy of the Yugoslavian state and the Folk Group was left responsible for its own fate and destiny.

 Attempts were made by the government in 1938 to curtail and prevent the sale of land to the Danube Swabians. This was hardly a new approach on their part. The Folk Group leadership saw this as catastrophic and repressive to the aspirations and economic future of the ethnic Germans. In turn, their discontent was interpreted by the Serb Nationalists as a recognition that they were acting as a "fifth column" on behalf of the German Reich, which sought to interfere in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia. The government however backed down to maintain their lucrative trading relationship with Germany.

 The Folk Group leadership faced turmoil within the organization and the Danube Swabian communities. On January 15, 1935 the ruling Council of the SDKB expelled Awender and several of his followers in the Renewal Movement to avoid a split in the membership. Unfortunately this only intensified the conflict. The growth and development of the SDKB in the previous years had been concentrated on the establishment of youth groups in every community and district and they very quickly became the most active organizations within the cultural union. A large portion of the members of these groups were open to the objectives of the Renewers and their propaganda, while there were others who sympathized with them even though they disapproved of some of their methods and continued to accept and follow the "old leadership".

 There is no question that the National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) in Germany better known as the Nazis and their party organs were involved in the development of the Renewal Movement and both provided support and influenced it. The German ambassador gave "public" support to the "old leadership" in the cultural union SDKB in the press but was involved in the background in providing aid to Awender when called upon.

 From the very beginning various other ministries and offices in the Reich government felt sympathy for the Renewers and provided massive support. This was especially true of the ‘Verein für das Deutschtum im Ausland’ (VDA) whose concerns dealt with the ethnic German populations outside of the German Reich. Discussions between Paul Claus the representative of the VDA in Yugoslavia and the leadership of the Renewal Movement took place in the spring of 1935 whereby Awender, Dr. Sepp Janko and Fritz Metzger undertook the task to lead the struggle to renew the Ethnic German Folk Group so that it could stand on its own two feet financially so that it would not be a burden to Reich foreign policy.

 Both the "old" and "new" leadership sought approval and support in important Reich circles. Early in 1935, the German ambassador in Belgrade passed on a letter of complaint to the Reich Foreign Office outlining the crimes, activities and faults of the Renewers, highlighting the fact that Awender had no character at all and was a man of ill repute. They requested that the SDKB be the only recognized official voice of the Folk Group in Yugoslavia to speak to any issues affecting the Danube Swabian minority. But in the central organs of the NSDAP, the ‘Völkischen Beobachter’ (The People’s Observer) reported that there was a need to support both groups assisting them to form a united front in carrying out the objectives of the ethnic German minority.

 This did not help matters a bit. The SDKB was determined to cleanse itself of the Renewers organizationally. Along with Awender they expelled the Youth Leader of the SDKB, Jacob Lichtenburger. Assuming that they had the support of the majority of the youth group an assembly was called on July 28, 1935 at Neusatz to install a new Youth Führer in his place, namely Dr. Erich Petschauer. But the installation could not be carried out because the vast majority of the youth present were sympathizers of the Renewal Movement and occupied the hall and heckled and disrupted every attempt on the part of any one to speak on behalf of the Folk Group leadership and they then walked out.

 The conflict sharpened and deepened. Discontent and concern spread among the membership of the SDKB and it was obvious that things were coming to a head and action had to be taken. On August 5, 1935 representatives of the two groups met in Neusatz to work out a compromise. The SDKB was represented by: Dr. Oskar Plautz, Thomas Menrath, Dr. Sebastian Nemesheimer and Dr. Richard Derner. The representatives of the Renewers were: Fritz Metzger, Peter Kullmann, Jakob Krömer and Branimir Altgayer. The talks broke down and the quarrel simply went on.

 Things came to a head at Neu Werbass on August 11th, 1935 in response to a speech by Josef Bürchel the Nazi Gauleiter (District Leader) of the Saar-Palatinate on the occasion of a celebration of the 150th anniversary of the settlement of the Batschka. Both groups hoped to use the occasion for their own purposes. Instead he spoke of the need for unity against the forces that threatened their racial purity. His essential message was: take pride in being Danube Swabian and in effect he did not support either group as he had been ordered.

 This was a clear indication to both groups that the Reich was determined that the ethnic German minority would not upset or effect their foreign policy in terms of Yugoslavia, but that the Folk Group would adopt the political outlook of the Nazis. As the leader of the old political establishment, Kraft knew he needed the support of the Reich regardless of who was in power in order to achieve such objectives as the school question. He sought such support in the Reich Foreign Office. Although a declared opponent of Nazism he sought out contacts within the various ministries of the Reich and the Party for support for the Danube Swabian minority. In January 1936 he met with Hitler’s Deputy, Rudolph Hess who was in charge of all affairs dealing with the Völksdeutsche (ethnic Germans) and Dr. Kraft was received warmly as he later reported.

 Things would not remain quiet for long. At a meeting on March 18, 1936 the representative of the VDA, Dr. Helmut Carstanjen reported on the situation of the Folk Group in which he made scathing remarks about the "old leadership". The representative of the Foreign Office, Fritz von Twardowski defended them and declared that the question of the Folk Group in Yugoslavia was a matter of foreign policy. He reported that Dr. Kraft was now engaged in friendly discussions with the government in guaranteeing the rights of the Danube Swabian minority and these discussions should not be jeopardized because of any outside interference on the part of the Reich. It was at this point that Heinrich Himmler and his Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle (VOMI) intervened. He was highly critical of Dr. Kraft and the VOMI was not prepared to have Dr. Kraft speak on behalf of the Folk Group or under the auspices of the Reich. He inferred that his reception by Hess had gone to his head. He instructed the German ambassador in Belgrade to invite Dr. Kraft and Awender to dinner, along with a representative of the VOMI some time after Easter to work out a solution to the conflict. It was a futile meeting. The quarrel was now waged out in the open in the German and Yugoslavian press much to the delight of the Yugoslavian government. Meanwhile, at the same time, the Yugoslavian foreign policy was actively pro-German.

 The VDA began to lessen its financial support for the work of the SDKB and provided resources to the Renewers instead. The SDKB leadership protested to the Rich, claiming to be the sole voice of the Folk Group in Yugoslavia. They called upon the VDA and the German ambassador for their support since they represented the vast majority of the Danube Swabian minority. But in 1937, the Renewers through Gustav Halwax were calling upon the Yugoslavian government for the legalization of their Party so that they had the right to hold meetings, conferences and assemblies. The police had been repressive, combative and brutal against ethnic German youth groups at their assemblies and the old leadership saw this as a reason for the discontent and fear in the Danube Swabian communities in terms of their rights as citizens of Yugoslavia. Kraft and the old leadership saw this kind of treatment as tantamount to calling forth a radicalization of the Danube Swabian minority.

 The relationship between the VDA, the VOMI and the SDKB leadership did not get any better in the summer of 1937. This led to the leadership of the SDKB approaching von Neurath the Reich Foreign Minister and explained the conflict with the DVA with the hope that a peaceful solution could be worked out. The DVA and VOMI were informed of the meeting and letters that were exchanged. In effect, the old leadership was now without support in the Reich ministries.

 The membership of the two factions within the Folk Group wished for an understanding and unity among all of their people. But among the leaders there was only division. A call for Dr. Kraft’s resignation became public. It was felt that with his ouster rapprochement with the Renewers would now be possible. The opposite was the result and the Renewers were no further ahead because Kraft remained in his position and they became more strident in their opposition.

 Berlin wanted no part in the quarrel. Both the VOMI and the Foreign Office wanted nothing to do with it. The German ambassador arranged for an arbitration panel to deal with the feuding parties, both of which agreed in advance to accept the recommendations and results. The panel was made up of various Folk group representatives from other countries including Estonia, Romania and Latvia. A solution was worked out and then presented on May 15, 1939 that called for Dr. Kraft stepping down from his position with an appropriate pension.

 Of great importance to all of the ethnic Germans in Eastern Europe were the Anschluss (annexation) of Austria by the Reich and the incorporation of the Sudetenland that raised their German consciousness and in addition in Yugoslavia there was now a great desire for unity. A "German Unity Front " and platform was developed with the participation of Dr. Kraft and sought to establish guarantees that the ethnic German minority had legal rights by law as an identified separate entity. But personal quarrels and aspirations again got in the way and impeded the effort. As always Awender and his followers were at the head of the discontent and sought a political solution through incorporation with the governing party but with minimal success. The ideological struggle went on. On August 26, 1938 two of the "old leaders" Moser and Grassl agreed to support the Radical Party and would join the struggle against Nazi propaganda that was flooding the Danube Swabian communities. They established a committee to plan and carry out actions against the Renewers. Ethnic Germans who would join the voter’s list of the Radical Party were to be granted five seats in parliament.

 At an assembly of representatives of all groups within the SDKB, on October 29, 1938 all Danube Swabians were called upon to support the list of candidates submitted by the government at the next election. As a result the Croatian Nationalists (Ustaschi) conducted a reign of terror in Slavonia and Croatia among the ethnic German communities to keep them from voting for the government party.

 The occupation of Czechoslovakia on March 15, 1939 resulted in intensive anti-German feeling and alarm especially on the part of the Serbian population, as well as the other Slavic people. Army officers were instructed to develop strong anti-German sentiments among their troops. Danube Swabians in the army were suspect and were forbidden to speak German, they were scolded every day and many received corporal punishment. But officially the government policy towards Germany had not changed.

 On October 31, 1938 there was a rapprochement with the Renewers, who along with their youth groups returned to the fold of the Swabian German Cultural Union (SDKB).